The Role of the Indigenous Knowledge System IKS in Conflict Resolution/Transformation CR/T: Philosophical Design for Scio-political Transformation in Sudan.

February 14, 2024

Transitional Justice TJ as Case Study

www.PPPSudan.com

مركز ثقافة السلام وحقوق الانسان Culture of Peace & Human Rights Center

Professor Abuelgasim Gour
Institute of Studies and Culture of Peace
Sudan University for Science and Technology SUST- Khartoum , Sudan

Professor Gour is the Professor of the Philosophy, Criticism, and Culture of Peace at Sudan University of Science and Technology.

Professor Gour has spent his professional life working on peace. He is an academic advisor for the Africa Program at the United Nations University for Peace, is a Human Rights Commissioner for the National Commission for Human Rights in Sudan, and founded the Institute for the Studies and Culture of Peace at SUST.

Professor Gour holds an M.A. in Philosophy and PhD in the Philosophy of Peace from Khartoum University.

DATE: MAY 2020

Introduction

This paper examines, in comprehensively and structural methodology, the role of indigenous knowledge systems in Conflict Resolution/Transformation (CR/T)¹, and probing their function in the political and social transformations in Sudan. This paper also seeks to approach the nature of the desired transformation in Sudan after the revolution of December 2019, which toppled the National Salvation regime that spanned for a period of thirty years (1989-2019). This study ranges between political philosophy, social philosophy, and cultural anthropology, as it follows closely, and in a critical vision, the model of the National Salvation regime, as a deep state system whose negative effects extended to social, economic, and ideological structures and caused great destruction in them.

This paper based on a basic and fundamental hypothesis, that the indigenous knowledge systems retain all of their social and political functions, to settle disputes, conflict resolution, redress harm and build reconciliation in the transitional justice project. That despite the damage it incurred as a result of interference by the government of the National Salvation regime and previous political systems in the social
structures via social policies that lack scientific studies and deep understanding of historical development and social transformations.

The paper also believes that the apparent assumption that the impairment, which the indigenous knowledge systems in Sudan, their values and mechanisms for conflict resolution have experienced, could be reformed through systems aimed at reviving the values of tolerance and structural treatment to implement transitional justice mechanisms that combine accountability and reconciliation. Of course, the challenge facing the government of Freedom and Change after the revolution of December 2019 lies in its success in the process of transition from a military, ideological system, known for its repression and suppression of freedoms, to a democratic system that enjoys freedom, prosperity and human rights across the bridge of transitional justice. For all of this, the paper presents the project of transitional justice as a tried and tested magic in African countries, and a bridge for transportation that provides Sudanese with transit to the desired civilian state, and achieving the project of its slogan (freedom, peace and justice) as a slogan for the December revolution.

The paper concludes with the fact that the Sudanese state will face many difficulties in the transitions, which are social, value, justice and economic challenges that need scrutiny, research and knowledge of the nature of the Sudanese problem in transcending political practice to the heart of the political thought in a shifting and changing world. The fragile political system, the tribal wars that Sudan suffers from, internal conflicts, and diplomatic failure for thirty years are a heavy legacy that is difficult to draw out of the hard place of the past to the wider space of the future through bridging the present and its aspirations.

In conclusion, the paper presents the model of social justice and political reconciliation as a Sudanese version of transitional justice. It is a version based on the mechanisms and systems of social transformations that based on indigenous knowledge systems, benefiting from international and regional experiences, taking into account the political arrangements and legal and value measures required for such a shift.

The concept of Indigenous Knowledge System

Knowledge forms the backbone and cornerstone in building of the modern state, without knowledge, not all development processes can be realized at various levels, including democratic transitions and well- established issues of justice and governance. Indigenous knowledge refers to cognitive patterns, intellectual forms, and cultural practices that formed socially and functionally explicitly or implicitly, in local and traditional societies, and employed to manage all aspects of economic, social, environmental and spiritual life. It is a storehouse stock of the collective intellect and cultural memory of the specific society.

Different generations transmitted and inherited them over the years through folk tales, folklore,

governance, music, arts, and proverbs. Etc.

Philosophically, indigenous knowledge represent philosophical anchor that can be used in the social and

political transformations of traditional societies in the project of the modern civil state, peace building and
in application of the patterns of justice related to norms, values, customs, traditions and religions, such as transitional justice. Perhaps in this sense, local thinking systems play a fundamental and essential role in the knowledge, administrative and legal system of the civil administration system that has prevailed in all the regions of the Sudanese state since it gained independence in 1956. It is understood, that Sudan with its vast area, multiple demography, and diverse environment, constitutes a huge storehouse of these indigenous knowledge. However, this knowledge also not spared the devastation caused by the Salvation Government, as a deep state, through political raids aimed at political gain without regard to human and societal development. In this broad sense, the indigenous knowledge systems program can benefit from similar experiences in the African continent that have realized this knowledge in the post-colonial period.

Some scholars who are interested in knowledge systems and theories believe that writing in the philosophy of indigenous knowledge means that we are in defiance of large colonial institutions that have always been promoting sweeping processes of alternative knowledge on the pretext that they do not belong to the modern world. With prejudice assumption that “indigenous peoples and defenders of indigenous knowledge have not received academic education”2.

The scientific fact is that African societies have always been intimate, culturally rooted, and that the leaders of those societies and the elderly have always invented solutions through the wisdoms, and establish futuristic visions drawn from past experiences and knowledge transmitted by generations over the years and centuries. The existing claim that they did not receive modern academic knowledge is evident in the western theories of knowledge. However, it is not only a false claim, but it is one of the postcolonial systems. The colonial cultural project is a broad and interconnected project that sneaks through the traps of imperial culture and theories of knowledge. It still establishes undermining statements about indigenous knowledge in non-European countries.

At the beginning of this twenty-first century, Professor Erika Fischer, President of the University of Berlin was able to put forward another destructive cultural project for indigenous knowledge in Africa under the umbrella of the North and South Dialogue. Then, worked to spread this project through cultural and creative festivals in North Africa, under the cover of the North and South Dialogue. Fisher’s theory, which called “Cultural interweaving”, has found unimaginable acceptance and celebration among some intellectuals of the Maghreb, and its reputation became popular after it begged the African man through watching, ceremonies, and popular and ritual practices.

However still the possibility of cultivation in the original African soil is evidently difficult in a clear way.

Originally, Professor Erika Fischer’s Cultural Interweaving project originates from a structuralist

deconstructive assumption in her saying, “a new term appeared in the West during the late 1970s and

early 1980s: ‘the theater of cultures.” It was used to describe the productions that included elements from.

other theatrical traditions, such as the works of Peter Broock’s “Orghast” that was shown in the ruins of

“Persepolis” in 1971, “/ks” that tells the story of an African tribe on the verge of extinction, which was

prepared in Africa in 1975. and “the Logic of the Bird” (1977) that was inspired by the writings of the Sufi

Sheikh Farid al-Din al-Attar, and dramatization of the famous Indian epic ‘Mahabharata’ that resulted in heated discussions in 19853. In addition to Brooke, there are other examples such as Shakespeare’s performances by Ariane Mnouchkine in Paris. Among them “Richard II” (1981), “Night of the Dream” (1981) and “Henry IV” (1983). As well as the works of Robert Wilson “the Knee Plays” in 1984, which was equally commended to the same level as the Suzuki Tadashi’s project that known as the ‘Antiquity Project’, which included ‘The Trojan Women’ (1974), “The Bacchae” (1983), and his accomplishment of “the Three Sisters” (1985). Of course, the thesis of the Cultural Interweaving is also a new outlook for European cultural centrality.

The overwhelming truth is that the indigenous knowledge systems in Sudan have not spared from the early colonial attacks since the early twentieth century. The English-Egyptian-Turkish colonizer was able to establish the mechanisms of the Native Administration. By 1919, security and order had been established throughout Sudan and the British began thinking about placing the maximum powers possible in the hands of the local leaders, from the sheikhs/chiefs and mayors. Under the supervision of civil servants, with the of reducing the burden on their employees, increasing efficiency and rationalizing the expenses of the country’s administration. In 1928 tribal elders were given judicial powers, and the British supported the chiefs financially and bestowed prestige on them, whether with money or otherwise, such as educating their children and distributing regalia to them as an honour. Their responsibilities were expanded to include taking care of the local facilities and roads.

When Sudan gained independence in 1956, the native/traditional administration remained the broad societal tributary of the national movement, and an origin, source and strong stream of growing sectarian politics such as the Umma and the Democratic Unionist parties. Modern Sudan has not had a critical experience to this regional and sectarian anchor of political discourse. In 1969, the native administration was dismantled by the May (1969-1985) regime, and it was replaced by the popular government system. This was a devastating blow to the native administration and indigenous knowledge systems in Sudan. Nevertheless, the National Salvation regime (1989-2019) considered as one of the most beneficial regimes. of the native administration system, by employing indigenous knowledge systems to consolidate its social and economic policies and its political gain.

The impact of the National Salvation Government on social structures

Soon after seizing power, the National Salvation regime sought to enforce its security, economic, and

social/cultural policies. References refer to the comprehensive strategy conference in 1991-1992 as a

tightly prepared strategic document. Of course, I will discuss in this research the social policies of the

National Salvation Government and their impact on the indigenous thinking systems that are the subject

of our research. However, no one can argue that the policies adopted by the National Salvation

Government towards society and societal structures could not be analyzed only after understanding the

emergence of the deep state.

Policies of the National Salvation regime divided into two patterns, and each pattern includes a number of

measures. The first pattern is to employ native administration and indigenous knowledge systems in social empowerment. The National Salvation regime has worked carefully to break up the structure of the native admiration, and establish a native administration with tribal symbols, and new leaders who are politically loyal to it. The deep state in Sudan worked hard on the level of social structures, to enforce its social policy. The National Salvation Government was aware of the effectiveness of indigenous knowledge systems and their spiritual, religious, ritual, and ritualistic sources.

For all of this, we can today look at this interconnected system as the solid basis for security policies for the rule of the National Salvation regime. Through such interconnected system, the regime established the largest security and military forces, such as the Popular Defense Force and Social Security Force. When the National Salvation regime deployed its quiver of weapons for its holy war against then the state of South Sudan-under the banner of jihad. It exploited the concepts and values of indigenous knowledge systems of the native administration to form a call, trumpets, and drums of war in each of the states of Darfur, Kordofan, the Nuba Mountains, the Blue Nile, the northern states, and eastern Sudan.

Songs and popular chants were adapted to spread the culture of war. The National Salvation regime was able to surpass the elites of these groups in reaching their local communities, to derail the growth of modern forces in those societies. The National Salvation regime continued to lavishly finance and empower the leaders the native administration, which it granted broad political, security and military powers. The Salvation Government has recognized the effectiveness of the social designs of political transformations to consolidate its rule among the native administration by employing indigenous knowledge systems.

The second pattern is ideological empowerment: The claims that the National Salvation regime is not able to build an ideological base in Sudan, lacks knowledge in this regard. The fact is that the religious establishment and its institutions in the ruling party and the state, such as the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Endowments, Zakat Chamber/fund, and Ministry of Social Affairs, appeal to the Sudanese community through religion, call and propaganda, and cleansing of society (Purity in religious sense).

The Islamic movement was able to build religious institutions, employ indigenous knowledge systems in propagation and societal cleansing (Purity in religious sense). With the revolution of December 2019, it remains up to the policies that the government will follow. That to both tend towards societal reconstruction through policies that seek to develop indigenous knowledge and social policies and employ them in the patterns of the modern state that is open to the space of democracy, freedom, and human rights. Alternatively, to go towards an arbitrary system with two parts: ignoring indigenous knowledge

systems by neglecting the native administration and leaving it to historical erosion on one hand. On the

other hand, blow up the indigenous knowledge, claiming that it is not suitable for modernity organizations,

by forming attacks and raids on the native administration under the cover of fighting reactionary, as

government of May regime has done. However, the researcher proposes to employ the native

administration as an incubator of indigenous knowledge systems in the philosophical designs of the social

and political transformations, which sought in Sudan.
This model of transitional justice combines the philosophical underpinnings of indigenous knowledge systems, and the utilization of values and norms in processes of reconciliation, settlements, accountability, and modern knowledge. The so-called mixed pattern of transitional justice is a model that combines originality and modernity, and a point where local efforts and international efforts converge from the field of repression, violence, and war to democracy, justice and peace.

Transitional justice can happen only in cases of sustainable peace building. Justice in this concept includes all the elements of the required transformation with its social, legal, value and political dimensions. That social system embraces the indigenous knowledge systems in Sudan. If the question of political transition in Sudan used the economic policies as an entry point, it is then inevitable that these economic policies will find a place in the transitional justice as a social philosophical design (value) that works towards a comprehensive transformation.

Transitional justice aims to combine accountability and reconciliation. Transitional justice also contains components (mechanisms) must be viewed carefully, and implemented with caution. Without that, the process of transitional justice will not be complete as one of the types of restorative justice. The most important of these mechanisms are the mechanisms of fact-finding (truth) committees and mechanisms of reconciliation. For all that, in case that Sudan has embarked on the project of transitional justice, it is important to work carefully in order to reform the social structures and their value that suffered functional damage throughout the period of the National Salvation regime. As often, when these societies experiences tremors in their social fabric, or damage to their valuable product, reform requires great efforts and scientific knowledge of this important matter.

Fact-finding committees and mechanisms

They are group of committees that aim to investigate human rights violations that committed in specific country in the past. Then prepare reports on these cases. Mostly, fact-finding and truth-finding committees include representatives of the society’s components, from traditional leaders, notables, jurists, and representatives of the judiciary. The goal is to find all the facts and put them on the reconciliation table. Thus, the transitional process through transitional justice as a philosophical, value-based, legal design is extremely complex and requires caution and hard work.

The African continent has witnessed, since 1974 to the present day, an estimated number of ore than twenty-eight truth commissions including the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ghana, Liberia, Morocco, Rwanda, Nigeria, Sierra Leone and South Africa. It has become clear that the great success enjoyed by the

truth commissions in Africa is due to their reliance on indigenous knowledge systems to know the facts,

and their approach to this through popular and traditional customs and practices.
Reconciliation committees

Reconciliation committees are committees that work in accordance with the law. Mostly, composed of the wise, legal persons, the judiciary, and all the celebrities. Reconciliation committees work to address cases of violation, search for a settlement and a ruling to provide reparation to groups that subjected to abuse. Reconciliation processes discusses the element of reconciliation in its true meaning, after the confession processes. Here the question of Sudanese values and apology arises, as it is clear in the case of the State of Sudan it is moving towards transitional justice through the transformation.

The concept of philosophical designs for social and political transformations and transitional justice

A common academic definition of transitional justice is “transitional justice refers to a set of valuable, legal, and political measures, social processes, standards, and decisions aimed at avoiding repression and violence to peace and democracy.” Transitional justice is a mechanism that allows transitional transformation from an authoritarian apparatus, in which there is no rule of law, to a democratic system that respects human rights. The stated goals of transitional justice are to restore the dignity of the victims, build confidence between the warring groups, and promote changes at the level of institutions that are required to achieve new relationships between the populations. That in order to keep pace with the rule of law, without endorsing practices that amount to total or partial impunity.

The multiple measures that form the transitional justice typically include “healing” measures of restorative justice (truth and reconciliation commissions) with a parallel system of criminal justice in particular for those primarily responsible for the most serious crimes, and those who have committed them as well.

Transitional justice arrangements require reform of institutions, by restoring prestige to the rule of law, and making sure that judicial bodies are ready to play their role in the future. At the same time, working to ensure that perpetrators of crimes during the previous era do not go unpunished. Therefore, transitional justice seeks to achieve multiple goals in situations post-conflict in which those in the government face other pressing needs, such as disarming combat forces, improving civilian security, compensating victims, and reviving a devastated society’s economy”6.

In the midst of transitional justice, societies are in transition from authoritarian rule, mainly concerned known grave rights violations, such as torture, execution without trial, extrajudicial killings, forced disappearance, slavery, and prolonged arbitrary detention, as well as certain “international crimes” including genocide and crimes against humanity, and serious violations of the laws and norms applicable

in armed conflict. Whether they are of national or international nature. Transitional justice is a whole set

of “judicial, legal, political, and constitutional” processes and mechanisms associated with a state and

society’s attempt to reach agreement and reconciliation.To deal with the huge legacy of grave human rights violations that have occurred in the past, that can be enacted in a period of political transition between a period of severe violence, repression, and massive violations to a period of political stability. The set of experiences carried out by some countries also refers to judicial and non-judicial measures in order to address the inherited violations of human rights. Often these measures include prosecutions, truth commissions, reparations programs and various forms of institutional reform.

Transitional justice is not a special type of justice, but rather an approach to achieving justice in periods of war repression and/or state repression. By trying to achieve accountability and compensation for those affected, transitional justice recognizes the rights of victims, promotes civil confidence, and strengthens the rule of law and democracy.

Transitional justice as a design for socio-political transformation

Some philosophers in the West attribute the increase, spread of violence to the epistemology in Western

philosophy, which differentiates between subjects, and object. In this, the philosopher Tesjai Yamomota

says, “theories of modern knowledge in modern society are based on differentiating between the subject

and the object, describing the economy as being manufacturing only, and employing politics in order to

build the state, as society build by the policy of industrialization and consumption. These philosophical and

social designs, based on the distinction between the form and the content that produced the symbolism

of physical violence on an imaginary level”?.

Nevertheless, of course there are many theories, which elaborated by studies of peace and conflict in the

field of violence, war and aggression. They all seek to create effective designs for conflict management,

resolve it, transform it, or stave off conflict development into a crisis or disaster. Such as micro theories, macro theories, and structural theories of the conflict. While micro theories go to the premise assumption that the causes of violence, war and aggression are deep in the self, the macro theories go to the claim that the causes of violence and war attributed to the state and society..

For all of this, the strategic transformations with their economic and political dimensions, and the social transformations with their historical and cultural dimensions remain the subject of questions in a transformed world of many political and social philosophies. If the capitalist and socialist theory has become famous since the modern state’s development and its steady development since the beginning of the twentieth century, there is no doubt that three revolutions have affected the world since the end of

the twentieth century and the beginning of the twenty-first century. The world is also witnessing today

massive development in the field of cyberspace and biomolecule revolution, which extend to all parts of

the world societies. In his book “Visions of the Future”, the physicist Michio Kaku seeks to divide

scientific progress into three revolutions: the information revolution, the biomolecule revolution, and the

quantum revolution.He indicates the end of the era of narrow specialization and shorthand in science, and the beginning of a new phase characterized by fruitful cooperation between different fields and the pollination of the three revolutions. National strategic arrangements also play a major role in the political and social transformations of countries. For example, the end of twentieth century witnessed a strategic and military arrangement after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the collapse of the Berlin Wall, which led to the end of the polarity, and the United States of America becoming the unilateral leader of the world as a major military and economic power.

Of course, such a big transformation affects all parts of the world. For example, in Sudan in 1989, the National Islamic Front seized a regime after a military coup, for a period called the National Salvation Rule that spanned about thirty years (1989-2019), which was removed by a popular revolution in December 2019 led by the Alliance of Freedom and Change Forces. The truth is that the collapse of the National Salvation regime in that way remains a matter of debate for many observers. It is clear that this model is the paradigm of the collapse of power of the deep state, which confirms the interruption of the revolutionary tide of the forces of freedom and change, so that its repercussions will work later in dismantling the deep state. In any case, the real question posed by the revolution of December 2019 is the question of the possibility that the state and society of Sudan would transform from a regime that suppresses freedoms, and the military dictatorship into a civil state based on democracy, freedom and human rights.

Perhaps this type of transformation is not based solely on economics and industrialization, but rather is mainly based on the model of societal referral and not capital referral. In this regard, transitional justice indigenous knowledge systems are one of the most important social designs that, if properly implemented, can transform political events and move to the prospects and horizons of the civil state. However, this must be done with great caution and patience. Even though the problems are inherited, solutions can be invented. For all of this, the philosophical designs for social and political transformations are an invention to solve the Sudanese problem and the democratic transition.

Conflict Resolution/Transformation (CR/T).

Wilson, Introduction to Indigenous Knowledge System, American Indian Quarterly, Vol. 28, No. 3/4, Special Issue: The Recovery 2004.

For an impression of the debate see D. Williams (ed.), Peter Brook and the Mahabharata: Critical Perspectives, London/New

York: Routledge, 1991.

فيشر، اريكا، تناسج ثقافة الفرجة، ترجمة خالد امين 2016م 4

ويكيبيديا – محور الإدارة الأهلية ؟

Peace building is a long-term process occurring after a violent conflict has slowed down or come to a halt.The first thing that the betrayed person may seek from the betrayer is some form of restitution, putting things back as they should be. The simplest form of restitution is a straightforward apology. Restoration means putting things back as they were, so it may include some act of contrition to demonstrate one is truly sorry. This may include action and even extra payment to the offended party. Restorative justice is also known as corrective justice.

Transitional justice refers to a set of moral, legal, political, and social processes, measures and decisions developed to ensure transition from repression or violence to peace and democracy.

المبارك، صالح بحث غير منشور ، مفهوم العدالة الانتقالية ص 7 6

7 Yamamoto, Tetsuji, Philosophical Design for Socio-Cultural Transformation, Lanham, MD, United States, 1999.

People, Politics, & Power: Sudan in Transition

www.PPPSudan.com

مركز ثقافة السلام وحقوق الانسان Culture of Peace & Human Rights Center

The Role of the Indigenous Knowledge System IKS in Conflict Resolution/Transformation CR/T: Philosophical Design for Scio-political Transformation in Sudan.

Transitional Justice TJ as Case Study

Abuelgasim Gour