Omer B. Abu Haraz
The gap between the military component and the original Forces of Freedom and Change (FFC) is widening. The military has the physical power and the FFC’s popular power of mobilizing the streets together with international support.
The newly formed FFC – Charter – took full advantage of the growing rift between FFC and the military created by the equivocal demand of FFC to restructure the armed forces. The FFC – Charter – drove a wedge of mistrust by interpreting the restructuring demand as a dangerous step to weaken and dismantle the strong army. The army leaders swallowed the bait and reacted in hostile rhetoric against FFC. What gave the opponents of the FFC a golden chance to drive that wedge is the ambiguous call to restructure the FFC should have been very clear about their demand.
They are targeting the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). Their demand should have been a clear statement to re9ntegrate the RSF as one of the units of the army commanded by the hierarchy of armed forces which includes various specialized units – air force, marine, infantry, artillery. Airborne troops, etc.
It is not abnormal to have Rapid Intervention Unit as part and parcel of one national army. In America, there is a well-trained, well-equipped unit called the Rapid Deployment Forces (RDF). It is part of the national army of America and falls directly under the Commander-in-Chief of the American Armed Forces. Things could have been different if FFC presented its demand in this logic. Even the commander of the RSF general Himidti declared that he has no objection to integrating his troops as a unit in the military army.
Now the situation becomes tense and dreadful open to all scenarios – The civilian component is in complete disarray divided between the continuation of the streets demonstrations led by the Resistance Committees (RCs), and others aligning with the military. One of the important supporters of the military component, the native administration leaders started to fall apart by the surfacing of young leaders with slogans against the traditional old historic legacies. This is now growing in Darfur and the East.
A weird situation is also created by General Himidti, who started taking a new discourse in the direction of the FFC – the original -. This is manifested by his lukewarm welcome of the initiative of Sheikh El-Tayeb El-Jid which received a warm welcome from the military component and its allies in the FFC – charter – and the resurfaced leaders of the ousted regime.
The other is his –Himiditi – warm welcome to the proposed constitution drafted by the Sudanese Bar Association (SBA). The SBA constitution was categorically rejected by the military component and its allies.
Among this – difficult to mitigate situation – I believe that the only way-out left is in the hands of broker a settlement – UNITAMS, Troika, and IGAD. The military component should sit with those three bodies to convince them that the only pragmatic transitional government is a military government for only one year with clear and binding terms of reference. The formation of any civilian government will aggravate the situation.
The consensus between the civilians is impossible.
The duties of the military government are: to restore peace and security in all areas of Sudan especially Darfur and the East, secondly to prepare for presidential elections, and thirdly to prepare a draft for a permanent constitution.
After the election of a President, the army should return to the barracks. The President-elect to serve for only two years as a second transitional period with the following specific duties: Nominate a prime minister and cabinet from non-partisan technocrats, secondly to prepare for general elections just before the end of his second year, for parliament seats in transparent, monitored and fair elections.
The elected parliament MPs’ first duty is to pass the drafted permanent constitution, to elect a PM and if they opt for adopting the presidential system, the chairperson of the parliament to assume power as president of the country for 60 days, and the transitional president tenure end, he is to relinquish the power of the Speaker of the Parliament. After the election of the President by all eligible voters, the newly elected president assumes all powers as stated in the adopted constitution by the parliament.
Without the consent of the international bodies in Sudan – UNITAMS, Troika, and IGAD this proposal will not hold.